By Zack Furness
Even supposing thousands of individuals within the usa like to trip bicycles for workout or relaxation, records express that just one according to cent of the full U.S. inhabitants trip bicycles for transportation - and rarely part as many use motorcycles to trip to paintings. In his unique and interesting booklet, "One much less Car", Zack Furness examines what it ability traditionally, culturally, socioeconomically, and politically to be a bicycle transportation advocate/activist. offering an underground tradition of motorcycle lovers who aggressively withstand vehicle tradition, Furness maps out the cultural trajectories among mobility, know-how, city house and lifestyle. He connects bicycling to radical politics, public demonstrations, replacement media creation (e.g., 'zines), in addition to to the improvement of group courses in the course of the global. "One much less motor vehicle" additionally positions the bicycle as an item with which to investigate and critique the various dominant cultural and political formations within the U.S. - or even breaks down boundaries of race, category and gender privilege which are interconnected to mobility. For Furness, bicycles not just release humans from expertise, in addition they aid social and environmental justice. So, he asks, why will not be extra american citizens adopting them for his or her transportation wishes?
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Extra info for One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Automobility
The construction of the cyclist was not just metaphorical: his or her body was made to act in accordance with a set of ideas and cultural discourses that ultimately defined the meaning of autonomous mobility as both a moral compass and a proper way of physically moving (sitting, pedaling, and steering) through space. ”112 The production of racist, sexist, and xenophobic discourses by elite cycling clubs and organizations is a clear illustration of how this process works, inasmuch as it dictates not only which bodies are 32 • CHAPTER 2 granted the status of cyclist but also, and more fundamentally, which people were even allowed to mount and operate bicycles in the first place.
26 By using advertising to imbue the bicycle with emotion and meaning, bicycle manufacturers also normalized cycling as a practice that included the act of consumption itself. 27 By appealing to the cyclist as a specific type of consumer with unique tastes, bicycle companies could market a wider variety of products to enhance this burgeoning identity. As Norcliffe notes, these new consumer subjects were often men: “An enthusiastic male cyclist might have as many as three riding outfits: formal club uniforms were expected for parades, at least until the early 1890s; a more casual outfit with long socks, breeches, and jacket would be worn on regular rides; and light cotton outfits became popular for hot summer days.
J. 136 Dawson, a feminist and socialist, coordinated a thirteen-week Clarion Women’s Van Tour that featured feminist speakers who also distributed socialist literature; Clarion cyclists accompanied the rides to support to the feminist caravan and to supplement the propaganda effort. ”137 Coincidentally, the club’s de-emphasis on political activity happened at a time when the English working class actually started to take up bicycling in large numbers. Indeed, while the Clarion Clubs may have been ardent devotees to the socialist cause, their constituency and disposition was largely middle class: a situation that inevitably caused friction between cyclists and the actual laborers who viewed cycling as bourgeois activity.
One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Automobility by Zack Furness